The following article appeared in IEEE Expert, Vol. 7, No. 4, August 1992. Copyright 1992 by the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc. All rights reserved. It is being distributed electronically by permission. --------------------------------------- WOMEN IN AI Researched and written by Dale Strok Staff Editor, IEEE Expert Recently, a woman whose article had been accepted for IEEE Expert asked us to use her initials rather than her first name in her byline. She believed that if the readers knew a woman had done the research, they would question the validity of the work. We were surprised. Although we were aware of recent studies that showed how much women are underrepresented and sometimes undervalued in science and engineering, we had thought that AI - as a relatively young subfield of computer science - might be an exception. After looking at the proportion of women authors in IEEE Expert over the last four years (about 13 percent), we decided to take a closer look at the field. --------------------------------------- Most of us acknowledge a perceived underrepresentation of women in science and engineering, whether or not we agree a problem really exists. Ellen Spertus started her 1991 report "Why Are There So Few Female Computer Scientists?" with these statistics: "In the most recent years for which statistics are available, women received a third of the bachelor's degrees in computer science, 27 percent of master's degrees, and 13 percent of PhDs. Not only do women make up just 7.8 percent of computer science and computer engineering faculties, only 2.7 percent of tenured professors are female. Even worse, these numbers seem to be improving only very slowly or even dropping."1 Other publications have also reported discrepancies in the treatment of women and men in computer science and engineering:1-7 -- Women scientists earn less than men at every stage of their careers, and the disparity grows at the highest levels of experience.2 -- Starting salaries are the same for men and women engineers, but the gap widens after about six years.3 -- Women's colleges produce four times as many female research scientists and scholars as do coeducational institutions, and their graduates are twice as likely to earn PhDs.3 The Computing Research Association's 1989 Taulbee Survey9 found that the percentage of female computer scientists decreases rapidly from high-school level to undergraduate, to graduate, to professorships, and that 13 percent of computer scientists are women and minorities. Only 4 percent of full professors and 10 percent of assistant and associate professors in computer science are women. Some schools have much higher percentages; at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, for example, women account for 18 percent of the full professors. We decided to see how women are doing in AI, a relatively young field.8 We were deluged with offers by both senior and junior AI women to talk about their problems and successes, but while everyone was happy to talk openly about their interests and achievements, no one wanted to be quoted about gender-related obstacles they've met. A few said they'd lose their jobs if they spoke on the record; the discussion of individual problems is therefore anonymous. However, we also highlight the work of a handful of the dozens of scientists interviewed, who communicate their excitement about the future, their commitment to quality work, and their desire to encourage more women to choose AI as a career. IS AI DIFFERENT? We started by looking at at the representation of women in AI publications and conferences. While these statistics do not necessarily indicate what proportion of AI scientists overall are women, they do provide a context for examining how women are faring generally in AI. Women represented -- 10 percent of the program committee members at 25 AI-related conferences over the last three years; -- 8 percent of the invited speakers at seven AI- related conferences; -- 9 percent of the principal presenters at AAAI '91 and '92, and 11 percent at the Canadian AI '92 conference; -- 9 percent of the editorial-board members of 17 AI journals and magazines. -- 9 percent of the authors in IEEE Expert, Artificial Intelligence, and AI Magazine combined over the last four years; -- an average of 9 percent of the authors in five other domain-specific journals and transactions, ranging from 4 percent (in pattern analysis and machine intelligence) to 37 percent (in user modeling); -- about 25 percent of AAAI's executive councillors; and -- about 8 percent of AAAI fellows. The representation of women in academic institutions varies tremendously, and the numbers mean different things at different institutions (0 out of 4 isn't the same as 0 out of 40). Many computer science departments have no female professors, while one has more women than men. It was impossible to count the percentage of women among AI graduate students, since schools handle these numbers differently. However, a few reported that around 10-15 percent of their computer science graduate students are women, and that the number of female applicants has decreased in the last two years. The women we interviewed pointed to a particular aspect of AI that might have reduced the number of women in the field. A necessary part of early AI research was Lisp. Working with Lisp required Lisp machines, which were only found at the first and few schools involved in AI, expensive schools like the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Stanford University, and Carnegie Mellon University. A small group of men at these institutions were thus the first members of AI's "inner circle." AI has recently been applied to other, less expensive platforms, and the inner circle's proteges (and their students) have begun to spread out to other private and public schools across the country. Yet many still feel on the outside of the circle. One senior interviewee characterized these early years of AI as "far out" and its adherents, struggling to earn credibility, as arrogant. "It was like a frontier atmosphere: it drew people who could compete and go out on a limb without being right. This usually isn't women. The women who 'made' it were the ones who had advisors in the original inner circle. Besides, early on, more women than men were horrified by the idea of building a machine as intelligent as people." But as AI has since developed, some women now see it as a "natural" place for their research: "AI has more cognitive aspects than does computer science. Since women are generally more introspective, attuned to psychology, and more verbal than men, AI has a natural draw." Another woman who believes there are more women in AI than in computer science said it's because AI is a newer field "with less baggage," so it offers good careers with fewer stereotypes. Other women noted the "scruffiness" of AI and its connections to "softer" sciences like education and psychology. On the other hand, the stereotypes often break down: One woman noted that her female natural-language colleagues come from heavy math and linguistics backgrounds. OBSTACLES So what do these AI scientists say about their careers and the environments they've worked in? Small numbers. One woman likes the unbalanced percentages between genders. She is used to working with men and admits the ratio gives her more visibility, with more positive than negative repercussions: "People remember me much more than if I were a man." On the other hand, she noted that some men claim reverse discrimination, where women have received what they consider undeserved awards. She also said, "The women in the department are not particularly close, partly because there is such a small selection of us...The chances are small that we will find other women that we really want to be close with...Also, I think that most of us women are pretty strong and have learned how to survive without a support network. That's not to say it wouldn't be nice to have one, but I don't think there's a lot of interest-as long as life is not terrible for women, [we] might as well just get science (or one's private life) done, instead of meeting about being women in science." Another woman commented, "During my many years of study, I came in contact with one female professor -- first- year music. I had no role models. In fact I was often the only woman in my class. I was the only female PhD in my program and for many years the only female faculty member in my department." From another: "I had few female peers and fewer female professors in graduate school. The ones who 'made it' didn't have the time nor often the inclination to help younger female precolleagues." And from a leader: "I have a selfish motivation in wanting more women to participate in the field. When a group wants a woman to give a speech, I am often the one called. I need to have others share the work load." Many women raised the issue of tokenism. "I don't like being the sole person fighting a battle...There is a critical mass needed in both race and gender: You need about one-third representation before you escape from tokenism. Lower than this, it's hard to keep good female workers." Stereotypes. Women talked about experiences with stereotyping throughout their educational years, at work, in the texts they read, and in gender-biased reviewing. -- In education. When a male researcher sent us names of potential interviewees, he commented, "It is unfortunate that more women don't enter the field, a failure I attribute to poor, gender-biased education in our secondary schools." One woman described her all-girls' high school and the stereotyping that its all-female staff passed on to their students: "My math teacher, who had a master's degree in mathematics, advised me against majoring in math in college, saying the subject was too difficult for girls." Another woman commented, "My graduating class in undergraduate school had 300 men and three women. This environment taught me to be independent and stand up for myself. Since gender discrimination, when present, was rather open, I could talk about it to my teachers and argue that I ought to be given a chance. Most of them reconciled themselves to the situation (which broke their stereotype of women) by not acknowledging the fact that I was a woman. I was promoted to being an 'honorary man.'" Another talked about the stereotype she was subjected to while in graduate school. "I had this 'Mom' feeling, that I didn't belong there. Three of us were in our 30s with children. Most of the others were younger, with no families. My adviser called me 'Mom' the whole time I was there. And people tended not to talk to me about substantive issues when I had to have my baby with me at school." Another said, "I cannot remember receiving support from anyone as a student. In fact I remember quite the opposite-discouragement. About half way through my PhD, I became pregnant-obviously not a common occurrence among my costudents, who were all male, or the all-male faculty. They assumed I would drop out of the program. I also had little support from my family, none of whom had gone through college and could not understand my desire to continue my education. Fortunately, I try all the harder when people assume I cannot do something." -- In publishing. One interviewee's experiences seem to correlate with the IEEE Expert author who was worried about her byline: "I've had two papers rejected-I used my first name in both. I've had three accepted, and I used only my initials in those. So now I submit papers with initials only; it doesn't hurt, just in case." Gender-biased language annoys several of the people we spoke to. While it may seem trivial to some, these women said it distracts them from their work. One said, "In the AI linguistics class, we found sexism in all the example sentences. For example, the active person was always male: 'John kicked the ball.' Women sometimes appeared in the passive role: 'Bill threw the book at Jane.' The one exception was 'Mary mended the sock.' Many of the women in the department were incensed at this, because it is blatantly sexist, totally unnecessary, and easily avoided. If AI is to attract and keep women's respect and interest, this sort of thing should be tackled first." -- At work. Two women mentioned problems at work with "wallpaper" backgrounds in graphical user interfaces: "My colleagues just don't get it-why I'm uncomfortable with seminude Windows displays." In a similar vein, another said, "I'm fed up with the alias 'gradstuds' on the network, and nongender-neutral language. This kind of politics saps my energy away from my research." One professor described a contentious work environment. When she disagreed with some of her male colleagues, they told her she doesn't know how to be a wife or a professor. She believes they would never talk to her like that if she were male, or shout at her as they have. Taking any disagreement with a woman very personally, they get angry easily. Two-body problems. Interviewees often raised dual-career issues, often called "two-body problems," which are no different for people in AI than in any other field. "When I was in grad school, my husband was a postdoctoral fellow at another university, so we met on weekends. When we got jobs in the Northeast, we were still 180 miles apart. Finally, after three years of separation, I got a job near him and will be moving there. All dual-career couples have to face this problem." Another feels both insecure in her job and "stuck," since her husband has tenure: "If I were not happy, I couldn't do anything about it." They have both compromised their careers and personal lives: After living apart for years, they left good jobs and had to build new careers. A leader in the field said she has benefitted from the fact that her husband is also in AI. He not only understands what she is doing but supports her efforts and values her achievements. Many women don't have the male support she does. Parenting. Many of our interviewees are mothers as well as scientists. One has three children, and twins on the way. Having worked in industry, she recently finished her PhD. She has found both supportive and unsupportive advisors and managers of both sexes; those with children understood parental pressures and therefore were more supportive. Despite her busy schedule, she is involved in local professional-society activities as well as Girl Scouts. Another said she had her child by Caesarean section and was back at work in two weeks, because her employer would not allow any more time off. Asked about her daily schedule, a well-known researcher said, "I work every waking hour." 60- to 80-hour work weeks occur regularly in all scientific disciplines, she said, and she expects this pattern holds for many people through the tenure and promotion years. Science and parenting leave no time to do anything else, such as sports or exercise. She said she feels like a field marshall handling logistics and replanning, or a juggler with plates in the air. Another interviewee has to contend with long commutes. She said, "I live three hours from my graduate school so that I can live with my husband and child. I put up with many hours of travel and expensive child care." "There is no good time to have a family," commented another researcher. "Life never gets easier (well, maybe during retirement...) Few women who get pregnant in the middle of their studies finish their PhDs, but plenty of men get PhDs while their wives have children. Many women have children first and then go for a PhD...I doubt whether there is much chance for a close family life if both parents are in academia." One woman with small children advised other mothers to accept the fact that work comes before family sometimes and that family comes before work sometimes. Unfortunately, the children always get sick just as some deadline is looming at work. On the other hand, one woman said that having two children did not interrupt her career at all. She was able to continue to work full time, getting adequate support at home and at work. Social interaction. Candy Sidner, a AAAI fellow and a member of the research staff at Digital's Cambridge Research Laboratory, talked on the record about the differences between working in a place with few female peers and a place where women comprise a sizable proportion, a "critical mass." Her lab has six women among 22 principal researchers, enough to change the environment, including how people interact and treat each other. She explained, "I think men have a hard time collaborating with women (in either research or general lab activities) until there are enough women around that they feel comfortable and have productive expectations of women colleagues. When you have a bunch of women colleagues, you usually find more than one you respect, and it changes your perception of the whole group!... When enough women are around, the fraternity atmosphere becomes a society, a community." Sidner also believes that women value consensus more than do men, and that they compete with and critique others differently. She attributes such differences to socialized skills learned in childhood, and she sees the same forces at work today in her nine-year-old daughter's experiences. Another woman said, "When I first started, my research group consisted of older students, including two women. Later, younger men joined, and I was the only woman. The character definitely became much more of a 'male banter' style of interaction-which I really disliked." Another woman commented on the banter: "It has grated more and more on my nerves to hear some of the stuff guys think they can dish out. Many of the male TAs joke (or even say seriously) that they make female students go out with them for grades. Male friends tell me about jokes they make with male professors about women in or out of the department...I have heard many guys make comments like 'The women on the faculty are technically far below the males,' which is patently not true by any objective measurement...Male friends think that in the name of friendship they can be as coarse or vulgar or make as outrageously sexist statements as they like; I think they do this more for shock value than anything else. None of this is particularly terrible, but can get annoying after the